难民,跨国和国家 [16]
论文作者:Khalid Koser论文属性:硕士毕业论文 dissertation登出时间:2016-05-03编辑:anne点击率:23833
论文字数:9626论文编号:org201605021332486612语种:英语 English地区:澳大利亚价格:免费论文
关键词:难民跨国主义国家临时保护
摘要:三案例研究的形式对本文实证的重点*人的临时保护欧洲的年代,寻求庇护者向欧洲走私,和贡献厄立特里亚跨国社区在国内冲突后重建。
ugees may be significantly hindered by the conditions of their exile.
Transnational Solutions? 跨国解决方案?
In conclusion, is there any hope? Are there any configurations of the relationship between refugees, transnationalism and the state that might resolve the crisis that has emerged in this article? Two unsatisfactory and two more satisfactory possibilities suggest themselves. First, despite concerted efforts, it seems unlikely that policies targeted on combating migrant smuggling will actually be effective (Koser 2001b). Another way of putting this is that migration policies often do not work, or at least have unintended consequences. The implication is that asylum-seekers will continue to enter industrialised states. Second, arguably the labour market is just as important as the state in determining immigration policy. It is hard to avoid the conclusion that there is a degree of dependence in advanced economies such as the UK on undocumented labour, if only so that companies can reduce their costs and thus compete in the global market place. At least informally, this demand may ensure that asylum-seekers and even rejected asylum-seekers continue to find employment in some industrialised states. Of course neither of these scenarios is satisfactory. One reason is that they reinforce the marginalisation of asylum-seekers. Equally important, however, is that they privilege the rights of asylum-seekers above those of the state. While it is important to
Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 251 advocate for a basic set of rights for asylum-seekers, it is equally important to recognise that states have a right to control their borders. Two other ‘transnational solutions’ might more equally balance these competing demands (Koser 2001b). One is the extension or reintroduction of quotas for resettling refugees on a formal basis in parallel with efforts to stop their illegal entry. The principal problem that immediately arises is that it seems unlikely that the industrialised states would be willing to countenance resettlement on a scale that would genuinely reduce the demand for access to those states by so-called ‘spontaneous’ asylum-seekers, and by extension reduce the demand for smugglers’ services. Australia’s example is a case in point. Australia has a relatively generous resettlement quota, some 12,000 people each year. This has clearly not been sufficient, however, to deter further asylum-seekers, who continue to attempt to enter Australia, many of them with genuine claims for asylum. There is another warning-bell that is sounded by the Australian government’s treatment of such asylum-seekers, and that is that states might use small resettlement quotas to justify failing even to consider entry by asylum-seekers outside that system. Another alternative involves new opportunities for economic migration. A number of European states have started to recognise the need for limited immigration to fill labour market gaps and compensate, in the medium to long term, for a pending demographic deficit as their populations age. For the first time in perhaps thirty years, states are giving serious consideration to re-establishing labour recruitment programmes targeted on certain employment sectors and certain countries of origin. There is some debate about the extent to which asylum-seekers might also contribute to meeting labour demands. Numerous small-scale studies, for example, have demonstrated tha
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