难民,跨国和国家 [10]
论文作者:Khalid Koser论文属性:硕士毕业论文 dissertation登出时间:2016-05-03编辑:anne点击率:23840
论文字数:9626论文编号:org201605021332486612语种:英语 English地区:澳大利亚价格:免费论文
关键词:难民跨国主义国家临时保护
摘要:三案例研究的形式对本文实证的重点*人的临时保护欧洲的年代,寻求庇护者向欧洲走私,和贡献厄立特里亚跨国社区在国内冲突后重建。
opulations of co-ethnics. Finally, evidence of their employment of smugglers appears at least in some countries to decrease asylum-seekers’ chances of being granted asylum, and at times increase the likelihood that they will be summarily deported. Recently in the UK, for example, reasons for turning down asylum applications and appeals have included the presentation of manifestly false evidence and the inability to produce a valid passport, even though both are strategies commonly used by smugglers.
Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 243 For the purposes of the argument being developed in this paper, this last point is particularly significant. On the one hand, transnational networks are challenging states’ control of their borders by continuing to move in asylum-seekers. On the other hand, states are now citing their interaction with these networks as one reason to exclude asylum-seekers and deport them. States are effectively turning transnationalism against asylum-seekers. Furthermore, the increasingly inextricable links between asylum and smuggling have fuelled the conflation by the media and in public perceptions between asylum-seekers and illegal migrants. These perceptions in part underpin increasing restrictions on asylum-seekers, which further criminalise them. Transnationalism from Below? The final case study moves even further down the sliding scale of transnationalism to an example of ‘transnationalism from below’ (Guarnizo and Smith 1998). The idea that asylum-seekers foment ethnic tensions in host countries and may even be linked with terrorist activities seems completely unsubstantiated. Instead, it seems more likely that ‘transnationalism from below’ among asylum-seekers and refugees *just as among other migrants*poses greater challenges for their sending states. In this context, this section draws on recent research comparing the mobilisation and participation of Bosnian and Eritrean refugees in Europe in post-conflict reconstruction in their home countries (Al-Ali et al. 2001). Accepting the stipulation by Portes et al. that, to be defined as ‘transnational’, migration needs to involve a significant number of people engaging in ‘sustained social contacts over time’ (1999: 219), considerable evidence of transnational activities was found among the Bosnian and Eritrean respondents (Table 1). A distinction is made in Table 1 between economic, political, social and cultural activities. The table combines findings from both communities, although certain activities were more prevalent among one community than another, and in general greater evidence of transnational activities was found among Eritrean respondents. Besides identifying the activities of the study populations, another aim of the research was to understand their capabilities to contribute to post-conflict reconstruction. An important distinction emerged between individuals’ capacities*or abilities*to participate, and their desire*or willingness*to participate. On the one hand, it is clear that, where an individual is unemployed or earns only a low salary, he or she will often have no surplus money to contribute. In this case, unemployment and/or a low salary, are factors influencing the capacity of the individual to participate. On the other hand, if an individual is in opposition to the government in the home country, and therefore does not want to support national reconstruction under that government, he or she may choose not to contribute d
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