at identifies with
this project of global cosmopolitanism. Critical of the rise of both localitybased
politics and identity politics, Harvey argued that such 'oppositional
movements become a part of the very fragmentation which a mobile capitalism
and flexible accumulation can feed upon', and that political action based
upon the 'aesthetics of place ... meshes only too well with the idea of spatial
Supplied by The British Library - "The world's knowledge" i
Theories of Global Media 53
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differentiations as lures for a peripatetic capital that values the option of
mobility very highly' (Harvey, 1989, p. 303).
Critiques of Harvey's resolute defence of Marxist historical materialism
apinst both locality-based and identity politics have come from both cultural
studies (for example, Morris, 1992) and cultural geography (for example,
Barnes, 2003). Rather than dwell upon these arguments, we can instead note
the extent to which the rise of cultural geography has itself been linked to
discourses surrounding the 'culturalization of the economy', or the degree to
which the 'cultural turn' in economic geography has meant that 'we can never
look at "the economic" in quite the same way' (Gertler, 2003a, p. 132; cf.
Thrift, 2000).
The extent to which the contemporary global capitalist economy has been
'culturalized' has been a widely debated proposition (see, for example, Amin
and Thrift, 2004). Lash and Urry (1994) argued that the interaction between
the 'semiotization of consumption' and flexible production systems, and the
permeation of production models with their origins in the cultural and creative
industries, has meant that 'ordinary manufacturing is becoming more and more
like the production of culture ... It is not that commodity manufacture provides
the template, and culture follows, but that the cultlire industries themselves
have provided the template' (Lash and Urry, 1994, p. 123). Gertler (2003a) has
proposed that a cultiiral economic geography of production draws upon three
'big ideas' that have gained common currency over the 1990s and 2000s:
1. the 'rediscovery of the social' in production, and the associated relationship
between organizational culture and economic performance (cf. Clegg
et al., 2005);
2. the realization that knowledge and learning are interrelated, and that the
most advanced forms of learning in relation to product forms are embedded
in geographically specific urban and regional cultures;
3. the evolutionary dynamics of local production systems and the cumulative
advantages that derive from the combination of institutional 'lock-in' and
'first mover' advantage (cf. Arthur, 1999).
From a cultural studies perspective, du Gay'and Pryke (2002) have identified
the 'cultural economy' as arising from:
1. arguments that the management of culture has become the key to improving
organizational performance, particularly when it can align organizational
goals to feelings of self-realization among those working within it;
2. the relationship between economic processes and their cultural dimension,
particularly i
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