lations of
power, domination and resistance (Barnes, 2003; Soderstrom, 2005). Michel
Foucault's (1984, p. 252) proposition that 'Space is fundamental in any form
of cornrnunal life; space is fr~ndamentailn any exercise of power', goes beyond
the proposition that space matters in understanding social relations and the
operations of power, which had been the argument of critical geographers in
relation to political economy and critical social theory. For Foucault, it is
impossible to conceive of social relations independently of their spatial dimensions:
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F
I 52 Understanding Global Media
The present epoch will perhaps be above all the epoch of space. We are in the epoch
of simultaneity; we are in the epoch of juxtaposition, the epoch of the side-by-side,
of the dispersed. \Ve are at a moment, I believe, whcn our experience of the world
is less that of a long life developing through time, than that of a network that
connects points and intersects with its own skein. (Foucault, 1986, p. 22)
From a different but related perspective, Michel de Certeau proposed an
explicitly spatial understanding of the operations of power in modern societies,
differentiating between space as that which is managed and ordered by
those with power towards specific strategic ends, and place as the site where
those without power 'make do' with available resources, seeking to reorganize
and reconstruct the spatial strategies of the powerful institutions and individuals
towards their own ends (de Certeau, 1984).
Debate about the impact of the 'new cultural geography', the 'cultural turn'
in geography and the influence of post-structuralism and postmodernism
more generally, has been intense among geographers (for exanlple, Mitchell,
2000; Smith, 2000; Thrift, 2000; Storper, 2001; Barnes, 2003). The most
influential critique was that of David Harvey who, after proposing an ambitious
reconstruction of Marxist political economy in a geographical frame
(Harvey, 1982), undertook in The Cotlditiorzs of Postrr~oderrlity (Harvey,
1989) a critical situating of post-structuralist and postmodernist cultural
theories in the dynamics of political-economic change in the 1970s and 1980s.
Harvey argued that the influence of postmodernism both within and outside
of the academy - with close attention paid to postmodernist trends in architecture
and urban design - could only be understood in the context of a shift
in the dominant modes of capitalist production and consumption away from
the 'Fordist' paradigm of mass production and mass consumption, towards
transitional modes variously identified as 'flexible accun~ulation' and 'disorganized
capitalism' (cf. Lash and Urry, 1987). For Harvey, the combined
forces of 'de-massification' and globalization of both production and
consun~ption were linked to a range of transformations in the relations of
people to space and time, that have parallels in the impact of modernity upon
time, space and power. The most critical element of this, for Harvey, is that it
marks 'the annihilation of space through time" (Harvey, 1989, p. 293) which
generates a class of skilled, geographically mobile knowledge workers attuned
to the 'time-less' and 'a-spatial' cultural universe proposed by postmodernist
cultural theory, and a section of the critical intelligentsia th
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