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In order to illustrate the impact that a 200% increase of natural gas imports would imply for major European importers, a common, rough comparison basis assuming that all energy sources' consumption contributes the same in the national domestic product, will rely on the variation of the energy intensity index, before and after the crisis' occurrence. What the latter demonstrates is the general relationship of energy consumption to economic development with high values of energy intensity implying inefficiency in converting energy into GDP. Based on data concerned with the contribution of the Russian natural gas imports in the primary energy mix of the selected countries (EIA, 2007e; Eurostat, 2008a) and taking that the introduced annual imports' increased cost (analogous to the share of Russian natural gas in the primary energy consumption) is incorporated in the GDP equation, the variation of energy intensity may result ( 9.2).

As one may observe in 9.2, the economic development of countries demonstrating strong interdependency bonds with the Russian imports is seriously tackled. In fact countries like Slovakia, Hungary and Czech Republic are not expected to withstand such a turn out in the long run. On the other hand, countries combining lower reliance on imports and exhibiting lower energy intensity rates (e.g. France and Italy) seem to be more capable of tolerating the situation.

Another critical aspect of the imported energy price increase is the influence the latter would have in the final consumers, i.e. would the state leave the price increase reach the final energy customer? Although this much depends on market structures, a rough picture may be obtained by s 9.3 and 9.4. In 9.3 one may observe the time evolution of natural gas household pricing for three selected countries (Slovakia, Turkey and Czech Republic), demonstrating the higher percentage of domestic NG consumption covered by Russian imports (see also Table 6.I) versus the corresponding average of European countries. Although it may seem misleading to use the European average, the argument that a strong relation between the imports' cost and the respective household pricing is valid (especially during the last years) may be supported.

Following, in 9.4, the disengagement of import's pricing from the pricing reaching the final consumer is expressed on the basis of the taxation share. Given more or less that all the taxation policies studied (although studied for a short term) imply a relatively stable tax percent, it is believed that unless measures such as retail price caps (only this time used to protect customers and not comprise the regulators' failure, see also the California crisis in question 4) are issued, final consumers will also suffer the impacts of the crisis; others more and others less, this depending both on the imports' price and the taxation percent imposed. What is interesting to see is the case of Hungary, deciding to increase its taxation from 13% to 16.6% in half a year's time (Hungary is also heavily dependent on Russian imports, see Table 6.I).

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